Then there came a statement from the prime minister that henceforth all oil royalties to the northern state of Terengganu would be stopped. Many found this illegal action revealing, and began to suspect that all was not well, coming after serious shortcomings detected in the judiciary.

Routine acts of excessive force by the police were neither corrected nor commented on by the ministers, and thus a general feeling arose that they condoned the police misbehaviour. The appointment of a Human Rights Commission was seen as a refreshing opportunity to give air to public grievances. Inaction and delay has now caused this avenue of redress to assume an appearance of functioning in the manner of a pair of pasties at a strip tease.

The attempt to transfer the prime minister's new palace, Putrajaya, to the Federal Territory is a high-handed affair, the people of Selangor notified that there is no room for discussion, and any rights they might have were subject to only a slight change in the constitution, a minor matter to an arrogant party controlling sufficient seats.

The minister for justice carefully pointed out that further fighting was futile, and gave his reasons. Still, there was hope that fairness and justice would govern the matter. Many then recalled orchestrations began much earlier, the resignation of the Selangor MB being tied to his objections to the transfer. The selection of the new Selangor MB is seen as central to success of the scheme.

Yesterday the minister for justice announced that Petronas, the national oil company, was "owned by the Federal Government," and on this basis any unilateral change in the Petronas contractual obligations made by the Federal Government, as enacted by the ministers (meaning the prime minister), were legal, and all previous contracts were thus null and void. The minister holds a higher degree from a Commonwealth country, specialising in the concentration and abuse of executive power and privilege in Malaysia. He has published his thesis in book form, and is widely taken to be expert in this important and timely area.

His statements yesterday are thus presented as an example of the practical application of his erudition. We must assume that he has not forgotten his hours in class discussing the case law of contracts. Thus it must be assumed that he means to telling us that the transfer of all political power is now complete, and that there is no redress to be sought.

His challenge to take matters to court is meant as a smug reminder that Malaysian judges take their cue from the prime minister's department and not from the hallowed precedents of the English common law, as is the practice in other parts of the Commonwealth.

There is nothing further that need be said. The announcement may or may not be challenged by the people. The law is what the constitution says it is, and parliament may change the constitution whenever the prime minister says it is necessary. There is no no need for debate, nor consensus, nor consultation.

Let history note for the record that, officially, Malaysia is now a dictatorship.

The really interesting question arising, is whether the people of Malaysia will accept this change in the form of their government with a casual and nonchalant air. The Muslim community, a large and vocal component of the organised opposition, will find this an affront to a basic tenet of their religion, which calls for democratic consultation to seek cooperative consensus on all concerns affecting the ummah (people).

The non-Muslim opposition, made up primarily of Chinese and Indians, have recently recognised that their interests are best represented by joining the Muslims in order to present a united front against the entrenched power of the twenty-year BN coalition.