The Price of Defiance
by Harun Rashid
Aug 12, 2000

There is an admirable willingness among the various ministers of the Malaysian government to appear in the hotel meeting rooms before the TV cameras. There is an even greater admiration for the courage of the opposition leaders who daily expose the ministers' insincerity, though the TV cameras are absent.

The events surrounding the Anwar Ibrahim conviction and sentencing this week have brought heaps of scorn upon the cabal responsible for this unfortunate charade. The prime minister, in an interview with a Saudi magazine editor, exposed the motivation for the trial. Anwar was attempting to become prime minister "before his time." One concludes that such ambition justifies destruction of all public confidence in the Malaysian government and its institutions.

The world is smaller today. Words put on the computer screen in Malaysia are visible to anyone, anywhere instantly. If the prime minister of Malaysia were a bottle of wine, he would be known as 'vintage 1926'. That seems about right. We are now in the year 2000, and wine acquires bouquet with age. The prime minister has not benefited in this way. He should have been consumed twelve years ago. Today he is not only past his prime, but rather seems to suffer from a loose fitting cork.

In movies which recreate the westward movement across the plains to California, the wagons are shown being provisioned in Missouri for the three month trek across the barren deserts and mountains. These lands were indigenous people lands, and the natives, seeing the continuing trespass, sometimes opposed the long trains of wagons with force. As a defensive measure the wagons were driven into a circle and the pioneers then used them as shields against the arrows and lances hurled at them. This 'circle the wagons' technique can still be seen in Malaysia today, as the various ministers defend against the internal outrage directed at them after the Anwar Ibrahim sentencing.

In August of 1998 Malaysia was a happy country. People were beleaguered by the recent financial crisis still visible, yes, but happy nevertheless. Then Anwar Ibrahim was dismissed in the first week of September. He had been offered a chance to retire with wealth and honor, so long as he kept his silence about what he knew. He knew [and still knows] plenty. Enough to bring an end to the ingrained system of graft and patronage put deeply into place over twenty years by Mahathir and the Umno party, aided by the MCA, MIC and almost twenty others.

Speaking to large crowds around the country, Anwar told insider stories of corruption occurring in the government ministries. He described the RM1 billion the present finance minister airlifted from Kuala Lumpur to Switzerland in a bag so large it required its own First Class seat. The airplane captain would not take off without knowing what was in the bag, and upon seeing the cash, radioed for instructions from his company officials. This request came to Anwar's office, and he asked the prime minister for advice. The prime minister took responsibility, and nothing further transpired.

Immigration department officials complained that planeloads of women, giving an appearing of being prostitutes, were being brought to the special VIP gate at Kuala Lumpur airport in planes chartered by the finance minister for the purpose of entertaining guests at his parties. A problem arose when they failed to present proper travel papers. The immigration officials asked for instructions from Anwar's office. He again deferred to the prime minister, who told him not to be concerned. And again, nothing was done.

When Anwar's interest [and objections] became known to the finance minister, animosity was generated between Anwar and the finance minister. This placed Anwar among the enemies of the finance minister, and it was worrisome that should Anwar become prime minister as anticipated, it would bring unpalatable repercussions for those engaged in illegal and salacious activity. At the same time, next door in Indonesia, the hand-picked new president BJ Habibie refused to protect the outgoing Suharto Inc. as agreed. This was noticed in Malaysia with trepidation and forebodings of a similar outcome should Anwar succeed Mahathir.

These insider crimes were made known during Anwar's speeches around the country, and when the crowds became large [over 100,00], the Mahathir entourage panicked. He was arrested in his home in the middle of a press conference by a Special Branch team in ski masks when dozens of journalists from around the world were present. That has turned out to be a big mistake for the ruling conspiracy, and a conspiracy [to silence and destroy Anwar] is what it soon became.

In justification of the arrest the government concocted dozens of alleged crimes supposedly committed by Anwar. Anwar's close friends and advisors were offered large sums to betray him. Many were arrested and threatened with death unless they entered false testimony against him. Anwar was held without charges. In spite of constant government assurances that he was morally unfit, and had numerous affairs with both men and women, when the charges finally were brought, the world was greatly disappointed. All that smoke and no fire. An expectation was that an elephant would be produced from the prosecution hat. Instead, out came a timid mouse. Where was the case? Where was the evidence? "It will be forthcoming," the government said. We are still waiting.

Now the curtain has come down. The show is over. What will be the price? The country is still sad and unhappy. Two years have gone by, and the sadness deepens. The cruelty of the Anwar Ibrahim case has touched the whole world. And the world shares the sense of outrage and anger. Most thought the whole thing would soon fade from public consciousness. History supported this view, and Mahathir Inc. was confident that a little time would bring a resigned silence on the whole Anwar episode. Strangely, this still has not happened. It has instead hardened into a resolution that the government must pay. The debate now is over how the bill is to be presented.

Most Malays favor a cautious approach to the problem. Just do nothing. And that seems to be what is happening. It is devilishly simple, requiring no outlay of energy. Mahathir has reminded the Malays tht they are lazy [and stupid], so it is easy for them to demonstrate an agreement with him. They are thus encouraged to do nothing with determination, and they are joined in this by a large percentage of Chinese and Indians. They will all just do nothing. They will do nothing to support the craven newspapers. They will not buy from advertisers would buy time from the party-controlled TV stations. They will not support the stock market.

They will not perform as consumers or employees. They will not be cringing public servants. They will not buy the national car. They will not fly on the national airline. They will buy their food at the kedai, and eat at home. They will buy cloth from Kelantan and Terengganu and sew their own clothes. It is a sit down, stay home rebellion.

The government raves against them. "Use more initiative ... the government cannot do everything. The private sector must help," says the finance minister, as he watches the funds dry up with the slowing of the economy. Attempts are made to postpone the inevitable collapse by raising prices. But this is both inflationary and counter-productive, because as prices go up demand goes down.

The ministers don't see the process unfolding. But they will. This 'do nothing' campaign will eventually bring a change in the government, because the international sector is doing essentially the same. Ranting against the 'meddling in our internal affairs' has brought an unexpected reaction.

Expressing to the world a desire to be left alone to pursue a policy of domestic repression is working. The world is staying away. The tourists are staying away quietly. The foreign direct investment is slowly disappearing. The foreign funds are content to leave the Kuala Lumpur stock exchange in its tranquil placidity. The distaste for goods stamped Buatan Malaysia is universal, and will soon become painfully apparent in everything from electronic and electrical goods to computer chips.

The price for Malaysia's defiant stance will be high. Very high. But the public mood is that it must be paid. And the strange thing is the impetus the Malaysian ministers are putting behind the trend. It appears like a death wish. They defend and justify their actions, claiming a right to absolute sovereignty. They are paranoid about foreign criticism, which they call "meddling." They thumb their noses at their major trading partners. This gives a strange appearance of going bravely into limbo.

It is also hypocritical. In the past general election the government warned all the embassies not to give money to the opposition. Yet Mahathir gave RM175 million to South Africa's ANC party to build a secret fund to help the ANC get a two thirds majority. This has a strangely familiar ring to it. Where have we heard that before?

Three questions arise. Was this not "meddling" in the internal affairs of South Africa? Where did the money come from? Who approved it?

One question may have been answered. The donation suggests a reason Nelson Mandela has been strangely silent throughout the Anwar saga.

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